摘要

A phonological analysis of the underlying tone features of tone sandhi in light of feature geometrical theory discovers a complicated phonological opacity in Shaoxing trisyllabic tone sandhi in terms of tone feature spreading or/and delinking. However, it is well-documented that the classic Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993) fails to explain phonological opacity. Based on McCarthy's (2007) new theory-Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains (OT-CC), this paper presents an explicit explanation of the phonological rules of Shaoxing trisyllabic tone sandhi by examining the underlying tone feature behavior, which strongly suggests that OT-CC is a minimal explanatory approach to phonological opacity cross-linguistically.